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2013/01/04

[報道・英語] Japan's ability to convey information to world


読売新聞の日本語版にはこの記事はないのだろうか?

読売は2007年の時もデイリーヨミウリに慰安婦問題についての解説記事(英語)を掲載するなど頑張っていた(あまり効果はなかったようである)。昨年も河野談話は見直されるべきだと英語で発信している。そんな読売でも(本当は朝日新聞が英語で説明するのが一番いいのだろうが)、こうした記事はいずれリンク切れになってしまう・・・。

Japan's ability to convey information to world

China and South Korea are engaged in international propaganda campaigns over the Senkaku and Takeshima islands--campaigns that refer to historical issues with Japan. It is an essential and urgent task for Japan to strengthen its ability to convey information to the world, and this task is not confined to the area of territorial issues.

Yomiuri Shimbun Senior Writer Ryuichi Otsuka interviewed four renowned experts on what is required for Japan to increase its voice and influence on the international stage. The following are excerpts from the interviews.

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YU SERIZAWA

President of Forma Corp.

Japanese should be more willing to appear on intl stage

I spent my childhood in Europe and attended a high school and university in Paris. I was, in a sense, an "expat who had yet to return home."

After working at a French bank, I founded a company in Tokyo to help organize international conferences and provide assistance to companies developing overseas business strategies.

As director in charge of Japan affairs at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, for 17 years, I took part in every annual Davos meeting during that period.

Through my experiences, I'd like to touch on a few things I feel are important.

In my view, many Japanese fail to achieve much because they are weak at conveying the points they want to make on the international stage.

When it comes to presenting their point of view overseas, Japanese often become too tense. Their approach is awkward and they speak in such a stereotyped manner that non-Japanese often appear tired of listening to what they perceive as an "official view" typical of the Japanese.

Many Japanese fail to say in a clear-cut way what they really think and what they actually want to do. They are fond of using nuances to express themselves, which non-Japanese find puzzling and hardly intelligible.

In WEF meetings in Davos, foreign participants asked me many times, "What do they really want to say?" However, some Japanese are quite proficient in presenting their views to non-Japanese.

One of them was Akio Morita, the founder of Sony Corp. Although he was not fluent in English, Morita was proficient at pausing at the right moment while speaking and he had a sense of humor.

He was a man of unequivocal commitment, which he conveyed to others in plain language. This earned him an excellent reputation in Davos.

Among Japanese politicians, I think Junichiro Koizumi was great at expressing himself, though he never visited Davos.

Virtually every time I ask a non-Japanese, "Do you know the name of any Japanese prime minister?" they invariably come up with the name "Mr. Koizumi."

This may be partly because of his distinctive appearance and the annual turnover of Japan's prime ministers in recent years. But I think Koizumi, in the eyes of non-Japanese, was especially noteworthy among Japanese politicians because he spoke quite candidly and in as few words as possible.

First, making assertions in broad terms would be good enough, even if they are unsophisticated. Japanese should clearly convey, in their own words, information that foreigners really would like to get.

I must bring up one more important point.

Another politician, the late Ryutaro Hashimoto, also conveyed what he wanted to say in a forthright manner, although his personality was very different from Koizumi's.

Hashimoto was able to think logically and speak in a rational manner.

I strongly hoped Hashimoto would attend a Davos meeting. But whenever I invited him to attend a meeting, he declined. "I'll do so when I become less busy after I step down," he said. But, I think this is the wrong attitude.

Interest in Japan has been diminishing in Davos, like elsewhere in the world.

To reverse the situation, I really want the Japanese, not only political leaders but others now on the front lines of their fields who are extremely busy and sought-after, to stride onto the world stage to clearly convey their thoughts on behalf of the country.

Serizawa is a graduate of the French state-run Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (Paris Institute of Political Studies). After working with Le Credit Lyonnais, a French bank, she founded Forma Corp. in 1992. Serizawa, 54, serves in such positions as adviser to the president of Mori Building Co.

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KIYOTAKA AKASAKA

President of the Foreign Press Center

Harness power of media, international bodies

When I was U.N. undersecretary general for communications and public information, I realized anew the tremendous power of the media.

It struck me that such media outlets as The New York Times, The Washington Post, CNN, the BBC, The Economist and Foreign Affairs magazine are very influential in steering the tone of global discussions on various issues.

For instance, The New York Times is especially influential regarding the United Nations. All U.N. staffers, including the secretary general, read the paper every morning. Whenever it published an editorial concerning us, we had to immediately think about how to respond.

For Japan to strengthen its say at the global level, it must not only convey its various opinions and stances on issues within Japan, but also voice them more frequently in these powerful media.

Unfortunately, very few Japanese people can do that. For instance, only a handful of Japanese articles were carried in Foreign Affairs magazine in the past 20 years, by such personages as Masakazu Yamazaki, Eisuke Sakakibara and Yoichi Funabashi.

What are Japanese scholars of liberal arts doing? They write fine, admirable articles and papers in Japanese and engage in sophisticated discussions, but they have shown little effort to enhance their international influence.

Some Japanese scholars in sciences have been recognized internationally for their research. However, liberal arts scholars have only evolved within Japan--the so-called Galapagos syndrome. I'd like to see them get their message out to the world more.

The language barrier is quite significant, but I think we need to foster human resources that can accomplish this task in various fields.

It also is important to increase the number of Japanese working for international organizations and overseas research institutions.

There still are not that many Japanese staffers at the United Nations. In contrast, the number of Chinese staffers has been large from the outset, as Chinese is one of the international body's official languages. Competent Chinese have been joining the United Nations one after another.

The U.N. Charter stipulates its staff should avoid being influenced by their respective countries' agendas.

However, it is natural for Chinese or other nationalities to protect their countries' interests. If you compare reports written by staff members of different nationalities, you can see subtle differences.

I am boasting a little when I say that while working for the predecessor of the World Trade Organization, I wrote a report about Japan's trade policies on rice. After reading it, a senior official of the organization told me it may be biased toward Japan. But I strongly insisted on its objectivity and the report was adopted.

In tackling these issues, I hold high expectations particularly for the younger generation. They must venture out to other countries and play active roles if Japan is to regain its power and vitality.

Akasaka, 64, took the post of president of the Foreign Press Center in August 2012 after serving as a senior official at the Foreign Ministry and deputy secretary general at the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, among other posts.

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IKUHIKO HATA

Modern historian

Translate, publish objective historical works

Being a historian has made me keenly aware of how weak Japan is in transmitting information to the rest of the world.

But simply lamenting the state of affairs will get us nowhere--we need concrete plans to address the problem. Translating objective articles and books by Japanese historians into English would be an easy first step.

For example, if people overseas want to learn about the Nanjing Incident, they are largely limited to "The Rape of Nanking," a book written 15 years ago by Chinese-American author Iris Chang. The book is filled with sensational claims in line with China's exaggeration that 300,000 people were massacred by the Imperial Japanese Army. Readers overseas may view Chang's account as more or less doubtful, but they nonetheless rely on this text because no other is available in English.

The year this book was published, I took part in a panel discussion at Princeton University, where Ms. Chang was participating in such an event for the first time. At 29, Ms. Chang was an attractive young woman with good public-speaking skills. I knew she would be a formidable rival, and, as expected, her book became a best seller and is now tremendously influential.

Japanese experts on the subject are the only ones who can offer counterarguments. It is said that more than 1,000 articles and books have been written on the Nanjing Incident in Japan. Japanese scholars are broadly grouped into three areas: those who believe the Imperial Japanese Army massacred [more than 100,000 people]; those who deny a massacre took place; and those in the middle [who believe a massacre occurred, but put the number of victims at several thousand to several tens of thousands], like myself. The war of words between these groups has been fierce.

However, these arguments have all been for "domestic consumption." There are several books on the subject I think are reliable, but none has been translated into English.

The same goes with the issue of "comfort women" and Japan's various territorial disputes. Only a fraction of the objective documentation and works on the topics have been translated into English.

To explain these historical issues, the government and other interested parties have purchased opinion ads and given speeches in the United States and Europe. But opinion ads are generally regarded as one-sided, and have little credibility. People who have attempted verbal explanations have found it difficult to fully express their views.

I therefore think we need to translate into English works by Japanese scholars who have summed up [using first-hand accounts, data, documents and other material] the Nanking Incident, comfort women and the territorial issues.

When choosing works to translate, we should give priority to academic works that are easy to read. Footnotes indicating sources are essential, as are indexes. It is also important to maintain objectivity when relating facts--including those that put Japan in a bad light--and describing the history of the controversy over each issue. The final judgment should be left to the readers.

Next, we should select good translators and pay them appropriately, and seek major overseas publishing houses for publication. These are important points.

I believe that the fires that erupt over territorial and historical issues must be extinguished when they are small. Putting out huge conflagrations like those that have engulfed the Nanjing Incident and comfort women require a tremendous effort.

Hata, 80, is a University of Tokyo graduate who later studied at Harvard and Columbia universities. After graduation, he joined the Finance Ministry, where he headed an office in charge of chronicling the U.S. Occupation of Japan (1945-1952). He has served as a history professor at several universities, including Nihon University, and is the author of "Nanjing Incident" and "Ianfu to senjo no sei" (Comfort women and battlefield sex).

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JOJI HARANO

Representative director of Nippon Communications Foundation

Minor differences should not be ignored

Nippon.com, which publishes information, opinions and event reports on Japan in multiple languages, was launched in October 2011 with backing from the Nippon Foundation. The website is operated by the Nippon Communications Foundation.

The site currently features content in six languages--Japanese, English, Chinese, French, Spanish and Arabic. Russian will be added in 2013, letting us meet our goal of providing information in Japanese and the six official languages of the United Nations. After Russian is added, we will be able to reach 70 percent to 80 percent of the world's population.

It is precisely because Japan's national strength has waned that it is more necessary than ever to actively promote our nation to the rest of the world. Nippon.com was the nation's first multilingual attempt to address this concern, but the response has been enthusiastic and the number of visitors to the site has increased.

The website is produced by nearly 70 people in all, including reporters, translators and outside contributors.

The site publishes one article per day. We try to give plenty of time to on-site reporting and interviews, so we can deliver stories of long- lasting interest to our readers. Articles for the website are decided at editorial board meetings attended by our in-house staff.

We have learned a few things in our short career.

First, the level of knowledge and understanding about Japan varies among the different linguistic areas.

For instance, French people are generally familiar with Japan, while people in Central and South America have little knowledge about Japan, similar to the level seen in Arabic-speaking countries.

When we publish information about Japan to people overseas, we tend to assume they have a certain amount of knowledge about our nation. However, making such assumptions can make us complacent about our jobs.

Accordingly, interests in and concerns about Japan also differ by language.

For example, Chinese people are more interested in practical information such as on business or technology, and also in reading articles about China, probably to see how Japanese people view their country.

Meanwhile, French people show a strong interest in anime and other aspects of pop culture. However, a story about the way air flows through an old home built with traditional Japanese methods was the most viewed by French readers, indicating the importance they place on nature.

Japan's Imperial family is a popular topic among Western people, probably because of its uniqueness.

If we want to produce appealing content, we need to understand differences like these between linguistic areas or countries.

We must work diligently and with great attention to detail if we want people from different cultures to understand ours. Small misunderstandings can eventually lead to great misunderstandings or even conflict.

In domestic politics, there has been a lot of buzz about ignoring minor differences for the sake of greater common interests, but we should not ignore minor differences when promoting Japan overseas.

Harano, 64, was a political reporter with Jiji Press before becoming deputy director of the firm's news department. He came to his current post after a stint as president of Japan Echo Inc., publisher of a bimonthly magazine featuring English translations of essays and articles from Japanese opinion magazines.

2011/12/21

デイリーヨミウリ「安易に妥協するな」


読売の社説を英語に訳しただけなのだが、背景に関する説明がないので外国人の読者には、強制連行・性奴隷制を日本政府は認めて謝ったのだから・・・という風にとらえられるのだろう。タイのニュースサイトに転載されていた他、twitterで否定的なコメントが二三ついていたと思う。

Don't make easy compromise on 'comfort women' issue

The Yomiuri Shimbun

Japan absolutely must refrain from making an easy compromise on the issue of so-called comfort women.

Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda met with South Korean President Lee Myung Bak in Kyoto on Sunday. During their talks, the president sought the prime minister's "decision" on the issue, insisting that resolving it should be given priority while some former comfort women are still alive.

The prime minister reiterated Japan's position that the issue had been legally settled but called for using wisdom from a humanitarian standpoint.

The president apparently brought up the comfort women issue with a view to recent developments in his country, such as a stiffening of public sentiment after South Korea's constitutional court ruled that it was unconstitutional for the government not to make an effort to have Japan pay compensation to the comfort women.

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Already a settled matter

However, Japan and South Korea already signed a bilateral accord stating that the right to demand wartime compensation had been "fully and finally settled" when the two countries normalized diplomatic ties in 1965.

The government must firmly maintain this position. The issue involves recognizing the facts of history. So, even if Japan were to take half measures from a "humanitarian standpoint," it would be difficult to satisfy South Korea and would only be likely to further complicate the problem.

More problematic is the South Korean government's tacit approval of a South Korean private organization setting up a statue of a girl symbolizing comfort women in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul.

In their meeting, Noda requested of Lee that the statue be removed as soon as possible. But the president objected, saying that unless Japan takes sincere measures, another statue will be added every time a former comfort woman dies.

South Korea's argument makes no sense. The Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations stipulates that "the receiving State is under a special duty to take all appropriate steps...to prevent any disturbance of the peace of the mission or impairment of its dignity."

The Japanese government believes the South Korean government's tacit approval of the statue violates the convention. Noda was quite right to demand the statue's removal. The Japanese government must tenaciously urge the South Korean side to remove it.

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Other important topics sidelined

The comfort women issue wound up taking a conspicuously long time in the bilateral summit meeting, which failed to deepen discussions on other important issues. The South Korean side is responsible for this result.

However, it is also important to keep the comfort women issue from causing the Japan-South Korea relationship to stagnate.

As for the stalled negotiations on the economic partnership agreement between the two countries, Noda called for accelerating discussions to resume the talks as soon as possible, but the president did not give a positive response.

Apparently wary of a further increase in its trade deficit with Japan, South Korea remains cautious about resuming the negotiations. However, if Japan moves forward by boldly opening its market, it will benefit both countries quite a lot.

If Japan and South Korea fail to keep in step with each other on issues involving North Korea, such as its nuclear development program and abduction of Japanese nationals, it could only benefit North Korea.

The two countries should cooperate on economic and security issues from a broader viewpoint to steadily move forward on various problems.


日韓首脳会談 慰安婦で安易な妥協は禁物だ(12月19日付・読売社説)
いわゆる従軍慰安婦の問題で、日本が安易な妥協を図ることは、厳に慎む必要がある。

野田首相と韓国の李明博大統領が京都で会談した。大統領は慰安婦問題について、元慰安婦が生きている間に「優先的に解決すべきだ」と述べ、「首相の決断」を求めた。

首相は、賠償問題は法的に解決済みとする一方、「人道的な見地から知恵を絞ろう」と語った。

大統領が慰安婦問題を提起したのは、韓国政府に解決への努力を求める憲法裁判所の決定や韓国世論の硬化などの事情があろう。

だが、戦時中などの賠償請求権問題については、既に1965年の日韓国交正常化の際、「完全かつ最終的に解決された」との国際協定を締結している。

政府は、この立場を堅持すべきだ。歴史認識にもかかわる問題であり、仮に「人道的な見地」から中途半端な措置を取っても、韓国側を満足させることは困難で、問題を複雑化するだけだろう。

むしろ問題は、韓国の民間団体がソウルの日本大使館前に慰安婦を象徴する少女像を設置し、韓国政府が黙認していることだ。

野田首相は会談で、少女像の早期撤去を要請した。大統領は「日本の誠意ある措置がなければ、元慰安婦が亡くなるたびに、第2、第3の銅像が建てられるだろう」などと反論した。

この韓国側の主張はおかしい。外交関係に関するウィーン条約は、外交公館の「安寧の妨害または威厳の侵害を防止する適当な措置」を取る「特別の責務」が受け入れ国にある、と定めている。

日本政府は、少女像設置の黙認は条約違反とみている。首相の主張は当然だ。今後も、粘り強く撤去を促さねばならない。

会談で慰安婦問題が突出し、他の重要議題の議論が深まらなかった原因は、韓国側にある。ただ、慰安婦問題が、日韓関係を停滞させるのを避けることも重要だ。

中断している経済連携協定(EPA)交渉について野田首相は、早期再開へ議論を加速させることを提案したが、大統領から前向きな回答はなかった。

韓国は、対日赤字の拡大を警戒し、交渉再開に慎重だ。だが、日本が大胆な市場開放に踏み出せば互いに得るものは大きい。

北朝鮮の核と拉致の問題も、日韓の足並みが乱れれば、北朝鮮を利する展開になりかねない。

日韓双方が大局的見地から経済や安全保障問題で協力し、着実に前進させることが求められる。

読売新聞 2011.12.19