2010/12/21

[参考・英語] Diary of an Escaped Sex Slave


逃亡性奴隷の日記

Diary of an Escaped Sex Slave

She was forced to have sex with hundreds of men before she turned 10. After such a brutal past, what does her future hold? In a Marie Claire exclusive, Sreypov Chan tells her phenomenal life story.

By Abigail Pesta 

Sreypov Chan, a young Cambodian woman with a feisty laugh and a love of Kelly Clarkson songs, has a recurring dream: She's being chased by gangsters. They catch her and throw her into a filthy, cockroach-infested room. She knows what will happen next: She will be tortured—whipped with metal cables, locked in a cage, shocked with a loose electrical wire—and then gang raped.

Sreypov has lived this dream.

When she was 7 years old—an age when most girls are going to slumber parties—she was sold to a brothel in Phnom Penh, Cambodia's capital city, to work as a sex slave. The woman who made the sale: her mother.

For years, pimps forced Sreypov to have sex with as many as 20 men a day. If she didn't meet her quota, or if she tried to run away, she was punished in unthinkable ways—burned with a hot poker, covered with biting insects. And worse. "I wanted to die," she says.

Sreypov is among the lucky ones. At age 10, she managed to break free of the brothels and start a new life. Today, she's ready to tell her story, talking openly about her enslavement and escape, and about coming to terms with her dark past.

As shocking as Sreypov's tale is, she's not alone. More than 12 million people are now victims of forced prostitution and labor across the world. The buying and selling of humans is a $32 billion global business, according to the U.S. State Department's 2009 Trafficking in Persons Report.

What kind of person sells her own daughter into slavery? In Cambodia, a deeply poor, corrupt nation still reeling from the bloody genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge regime in the '70s, it's someone especially desperate.

I first met Sreypov three years ago when she visited the U.S.—her first trip out of Cambodia. Seventeen years old at the time, she was so shy, she could barely look up at the people she met. "Sreypov can't believe how friendly people are to her here," one of her travel companions explained. "They look her in the eye."

A year later, I met Sreypov again. A smiling, chubby-cheeked 18-year-old, she greeted me with a giant hug and giggled out a "Hello, how are you?" in her freshly learned English. In her shiny pink raw-silk dress, she looked as if she'd discovered she had the right to exist. Still I wondered: Could she ever really get over her painful past? This year, I traveled to Cambodia to find out.

From the air, Cambodia looks like it's drowning in mud. It's monsoon season, and we swoop through coal-black clouds, then hit the runway in Phnom Penh with a jarring boom. On the ground, my taxi plows through flooded roads that are more like rivers, clogged with motorized rickshaws.

Down a narrow dirt lane in the middle of the city, up a winding flight of stairs, Sreypov, now a sparkly young woman of 20, sits in the room where she lives. The walls are mostly bare, except for a big green plastic clothes-hook in the shape of a smiling bug. A Tom and Jerry comforter tops her bed; there's a framed photo on her desk showing friends on a motorbike, including a girl missing an eye. I learn that a pimp gouged out the girl's eye with a piece of metal when she dared to ask for a rest from clients after an abortion.

Sreypov sits on her bed and begins her life story, with the help of a translator named Chanthan Roeurn. She says she remembers a happy childhood, with loving parents, five siblings, and a house in the rural district of Koh Thom, where her family owned a rice field. "You need to get an education," Sreypov recalls her father saying. She pictured herself going to school one day.

When she was 5, her father died. "After that, my mother changed," Sreypov says. "She was terribly unhappy; all the love drained out of our lives. We became very poor." The family eventually moved to a shack. When Sreypov was 7, her mother sold her, telling her she would be working as a housekeeper in another home. Sreypov felt it was her duty to obey. In Cambodia, Chanthan explains, "Daughters are like property: They are there to provide for the family."

Indeed, Sreypov did do a little housecleaning—for two days. On the second evening, her new employers drove her to another home, in Phnom Penh, where she ate dinner and went to bed. "When I woke up, I couldn't get out," she says. "I was locked in the room. I was crying, trying to open the door." Sreypov's demeanor visibly changes at the memory, her usually warm, animated face turning serious, then expressionless. It was her first night in a brothel.
The road to Kampong Cham, a town about two hours outside Phnom Penh, is a bumpy one; punishing rains have left the dirt thoroughfare dented with colossal potholes. Sreypov, Chanthan, and I are on our way to a center for rescued sex slaves. Sreypov, who once stayed at the center herself, returns often to talk with the girls, all of whom are under age 18. Some are as young as 5.

As we bounce along, we pass oxcarts, open-air homes on stilts, bony goats, and naked kids playing close to the road. A puppy bounds out in front of our car; with no time to maneuver, we hit it with a thud, leaving it dead in the road.

At the center, called AFESIP (an acronym for its French name), several dozen girls are getting a lesson in hygiene from a nurse. When the class breaks up, the girls, dressed in their public-school uniforms—white cotton blouses, knee-length blue skirts—excitedly swarm around Sreypov, practically tackling her to the ground. The girls live at the center, which is run by a former victim of sex slavery named Somaly Mam, and attend a nearby school, as well as learn job skills like sewing and hairstyling.

Sitting on a metal swing with Chanthan on the grassy grounds of the center, Sreypov continues her tale. "At first, it was quiet," she says, recalling her initial days in the brothel. "Then one day, a man opened the door and said, 'Do you want a client?' I didn't know what he meant, but I knew it was bad. I said no. Then he brought me to a room for punishment." She pauses for a moment. "I had to drink the man's urine." The abuses escalated in the following days. She was tied up and covered with biting ants, whipped with an electric cable. Finally, she said yes.

Sreypov stares off into the distance, awaiting the next question. She is uneasy telling her story; it doesn't tumble forth freely, but rather comes in short, staccato, emotionless bursts. It's as if she becomes someone else to cope with recounting her own past.

When Sreypov saw her first client—"an Asian man with a cruel look in his eyes," she recalls—she changed her mind and said no again, and started to cry. Furious at her behavior, the pimp took his abuse to a new level, crushing up a handful of hot chili peppers with his foot and stuffing them in her vagina. Then he took a hot metal rod and jammed it inside her as well. "The pain was so terrible," she says. "I couldn't speak." Soon after, the client raped her.

Sreypov doesn't know if the client paid a high fee for her virginity; she never saw any money at the brothel. In general, sex with girls can cost as little as $5 (that's less than the $9 I paid to take a taxi from the airport to my hotel), but virgins usually command a far higher price. Clients can pay as much as $800 to $4000, according to the Trafficking in Persons Report. And virgins can fetch that price more than once, as the pimps often stitch up the girls (without an anesthetic) after the first time they have sex, so they'll scream in pain the next time, tricking clients.

After Sreypov's initiation into sex slavery, she spent the next few months imprisoned in her room, with a guard stationed at the door. If she didn't meet her quota of men for the day, she would be shocked with a loose wire from a socket in the wall. "On some days, I was so tired, I couldn't get out of bed. The men would just come to my bed, one after another, like a gang rape," she says. "I became numb. My life grew dark. I thought everything was finished for me."

Sreypov sits silently for a moment. Her eyes, distant a few moments earlier, now seem deeply sad. Chanthan looks over at me; then, as if to explain Sreypov's past, she sighs and says simply, "This is Cambodia." Chanthan, like many here, blames the country's problems on the Khmer Rouge, which tortured and executed as many as 2 million teachers, lawyers, doctors, and city dwellers—about a third of the population—during the '70s, in an attempt to turn the country into a purely agrarian society.

It's late afternoon, and we rejoin the girls in the center to say good-bye. They're entertaining themselves by doing a traditional Cambodian dance, with the older girls teaching the younger ones—among them, Sreypov's 8-year-old sister, Opekha. The girl is mentally disabled, but Sreypov was afraid her mother would try to sell Opekha anyway, so she brought her here. When we try to leave, the girls don't want to let us go. Even though they've just met me, they hug me, tightly. A pretty Vietnamese teenager whispers to me, "Promise you will never forget me."

That evening in the car, I sit in the backseat next to a tiny girl named Sreymach, who was sold as a sex slave a year ago, at age 5. She stares, wide-eyed, out the window as we hit the outskirts of Phnom Penh, its hotels and bars gleaming in the night. She is traveling to the city to visit a health clinic. She has HIV.
Phnom Penh's most notorious sex district is called the White Building, so named for an ominous, decaying, grayish-white structure that stretches over several city blocks. Its tenants are sex workers, many of whom have been booted from smaller brothels because they're either too old—in their teens and 20s—or too sick to be of much use anymore. With no education or job skills, they've had to find new pimps here.

We walk down the street in the shadow of the gloomy building, past vendors selling bright-yellow jackfruit, bike parts, dried nuts. All eyes are on us. A man on a motorbike trails our group a little too closely, watching. Sreypov is here to try to help women escape the sex trade. It's part of a job she took with Somaly's organization, after a job at a local clothing factory didn't work out so well (she worked for seven months there, but received pay for only three). In her backpack, she carries boxes of condoms and soap to give to the sex workers—which is why the pimps let her in. Her face looks remarkably calm for someone who is about to step into a reminder of her nightmarish past.

Down a dim corridor on the ground floor of the White Building, a dozen women have gathered in a cramped room, along with a few of their kids. An ancient relic of a TV blares cartoons. In a sleeping loft overhead, the walls are lined with posters of Thai movie stars and photos of mansions—inconceivable aspirations considering the conditions in this room, where perhaps a dozen women sleep. It's around 10 a.m. and the women are wearing pajamas and earrings, resting from the night's work. They look beaten up. Their garish evening dresses hang in the bathroom, beside a door frame that's been decimated by termites.

Sreypov, in a crisp white cotton button-down blouse, black pants, and white heels with sparkling silver trim, kneels on the floor as the women circle round. Sitting there, with her perfect posture, she looks like hope personified. When she introduces herself and describes her past, a man peers into the doorway. Then another.

Undaunted, Sreypov continues, inviting the women to talk about their problems. A painfully thin young woman with high cheekbones, long legs, and hair swept up in a loose knot says she was approached one night by a group of men. Afraid they would gang rape her, she sought help from a man driving by in a car. He opened the door and let her in, but then later raped her himself. Another woman in pink pj's says her stepfather raped her, then sold her to a brothel.

Sreypov says she understands—she was sold, too. Then she tells the women she can help them get trained for other jobs. The first woman is skeptical. She has kids and doesn't think a job as a seamstress will pay the bills. Sreypov tells her it's worth a try, adding, "My own future has changed." Later, she hands out boxes of condoms; a toddler neatly stacks them up.

It's hard to imagine why men would want to have sex in a place like this. It's joyless, grimy, dangerous. The reasons vary: Some local men believe myths that sex with a virgin brings luck or good health; foreigners are usually pedophiles or men who want to play out violent fantasies they've picked up from porn films. They know they can do so in Cambodia. Prostitution and human trafficking are illegal here, but officials are often paid to look the other way.

Our White Building visit continues in another sweltering room on the second floor. Sreypov and her colleagues pile their shoes at the door, a futile gesture of politeness and cleanliness in a room where the walls are splattered with stains and the hallway is littered with chicken bones and rotten vegetable scraps. The women here look younger and prettier than the ones downstairs. "They have foreign clients," Chanthan explains. "Some are married, but their husbands are their pimps." In contrast, the women we met in the previous room service local clients.

The mysterious man who followed us on the motorbike pokes his head in and stares—a pimp, perhaps? The women sit on the floor with their babies on their laps; one young mother eats noodles from a bowl. A teenager in a floral cotton top says she didn't have any clients last night and needs money. Another young woman with glittery purple fingernails and an ankle bracelet says she finds her foreign clients in restaurants. Sreypov listens and nods; she hopes that by developing a relationship with these women, they will eventually enlist her help to break free. If so, her colleagues would work with the authorities on a rescue mission or raid. It's a risky business, to be sure. Sreypov knows the dangers of angering pimps, but says, "I just want to help girls get free."

Later, after a lunch of coconut-curry fish with friends, Sreypov admits that it's hard to revisit the sex districts. But, she adds, even if she didn't go back to these places, the memory would still be with her. "I can never forget my past or the cruelty of those men. I'll never understand it," she says, sitting under a pagoda in a friend's leafy garden. "But I use it as power to push for change. I feel better knowing that I'm helping other girls."

Then she returns to the story of her own escape, years ago. "I knew ever since my first client that I had to run," she says. Of course, she also knew what could happen to her if she failed—she'd heard about girls being chained up for days or locked in coffins, covered with live maggots—but she didn't care. "They could kill me if they wanted," she says. "Death seemed better than that life."

One night, when her client was in the bathroom and the guard had left her door, she saw her chance. She bolted from the bedroom and made it as far as the entrance to the building, where she was caught. The pimp marched her to the torture room, where he strung her up, arms spread, "like Jesus," she says, and whipped her with a rattan cane until she bled, then rubbed hot chilies into her wounds. After that, the pimp sold her to another brothel.

As she speaks, a blustery afternoon storm kicks up, breaking the heat. She stares out at the downpour for a minute, then quietly describes her second attempt at escape, which went much like the first—she got captured, beaten, and sold to another brothel.

What gave her the nerve to run for a third time? "I knew if I stayed, I would get sick and die," she says. "I had nothing to lose." So one night, when her guard had left the doorway, she fled again. This time, she made it out into the street. She ran as fast as she could, until she bumped smack into a man, nearly knocking him down. "He grabbed my arm and asked why I was running," she says. "I told him everything."

She was lucky. He could have escorted her right back to the brothel to collect a finder's fee. Instead, he delivered her to a police station. There, she got lucky again: Corrupt police often return girls to brothels as well. Instead, the officers phoned Somaly Mam.

When Sreypov first arrived at Somaly's center for rescued girls in Kampong Cham, she saw the other girls and thought she had been sold to another brothel. "It wasn't until I saw them going to school that I knew I was safe," she says. She was 10 years old.

Sreypov's mentor, Somaly, sits in a bustling, bright-orange beauty salon in the town of Siem Reap, as a pair of former sex slaves brush and braid her hair. Her cell phone rings every few minutes. "My ear hurts," she says with a grin. "But I have to be busy all the time. It's how I survive." Somaly, who is in her late 30s, laughs easily, but she has lived a rough life. Sold into sexual slavery as a teen, she spent more than a decade in the brothels before escaping the trade with the help of a French aid worker.

She remembers Sreypov being angry when the two first met, which is not unusual for newly rescued girls. Some have been tortured so badly, they have deep cuts and welts or, astonishingly, nails hammered into their skulls. Little surprise, then, that they have "problems with authority," Somaly says. "You can guide them, but they have to learn things for themselves." Case in point: After three years at the center, Sreypov wanted to see her mother. The visit was brief, and painful. The mother claimed she didn't know Sreypov had been sent to a brothel. Her daughter didn't believe that.

Since then, Sreypov has formed a replacement family of sorts, with all the rescued girls. As for marriage and children? "I don't want that," she says, shaking her head. She can't imagine herself ever being with men.

To this day, her past haunts her in new and unexpected ways. The week I was in Cambodia, Sreypov's mother returned—knocking on her daughter's door for the first time in years. The mother's motives were unclear: Did she just want to see her daughter, or to sell her? Sreypov isn't sure. The incident left her in tears. But when she has a low moment, she says, she can always call her friends. And the bad dreams are fading; she hasn't had one for a couple of years now. "After I escaped, I tried to keep everything in, and the nightmares were the worst," she says. "But now I talk about it, I help other girls, and I don't hurt so much."

The path Sreypov has chosen isn't easy, she openly acknowledges. Telling her story will always be a struggle. But, she says, turning to me with a steady gaze, "If no one knows, nothing will change."

マリ・クレール 2011.7.21

I didn't think of Iraqis as humans【イラク】現代の金子安次



イラク戦争の狂気。

英語版のウィキペディアの慰安婦の項目には金子安次の証言 "The women cried out, but it didn't matter to us whether the women lived or died. We were the emperor's soldiers.(女が泣こうが関係なかった。我々は天皇陛下の兵士だったから)"が引用されているが、彼の証言の信憑性は置くにしても、戦場の非日常性はどの時代にも共通なのだろう。


'I didn't think of Iraqis as humans,' (自分はイラク人を人間だとは思っていなかった) says U.S. soldier who raped 14-year-old girl before killing her and her family

An Iraq War veteran serving five life terms for raping and killing a 14-year-old Iraqi girl and killing her parents and sister says he didn't think of Iraqi civilians as humans after being exposed to extreme warzone violence.

Steven Green, a former 101st Airborne soldier, in his first interview since the 2006 killings, claimed that his crimes were fuelled in part by experiences in Iraq's violent 'Triangle of Death' where two of his sergeants were gunned down.

He also cited a lack of leadership and help from the Army.

'I was crazy,' Green said in the exclusive telephone interview from federal prison in Tucson, Arizona. 'I was just all the way out there. I didn't think I was going to live.'

Green talked about what led up to the March 12, 2006, attack on a family near Mahmoudiya, Iraq, that left him serving five consecutive life sentences.

The former soldier, who apologised at sentencing for his crimes, said he wasn't seeking sympathy nor trying to justify his actions - killings prosecutors described at trial in 2009 as one of the worst crimes of the Iraq war.

But Green said people should know his actions were a consequence of his circumstances in a war zone.

'If I hadn't ever been in Iraq, I wouldn't be in the kind of trouble I'm in now,' Green said. 'I'm not happy about that.'

Green was discharged with a 'personality disorder' before federal charges were brought against him.

Prosecutors sought a death sentence, but a federal jury in Paducah, Kentucky, opted for five life sentences on charges including the rape and murder of 14-year-old Abeer Qassim Al-Janabi and the shooting deaths of her mother, father and younger sister.

Four other soldiers were convicted in military court for various roles in the attack. Three remain in military prison.

Green is challenging the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, which allows the federal government to charge an American in civilian court for alleged crimes committed overseas. He was the first former soldier convicted under the statute. The U.S. 6th Circuit Court of Appeals has scheduled arguments for January 21.

Green is challenging the constitutionality of that law, saying it gives the executive branch too much leeway over whom to prosecute. Prosecutors say the law should be upheld.

'I've got some hope, but I'm not delusional about it,' said Green, now 25. 'I hope it works. But, whenever they give you multiple life sentences, they're not planning on letting you out.'

Green didn't testify at trial. During sentencing, he apologized and said he expects to face 'God's justice' when he dies.
Abeer Qassim al-Janabi, Green's 14-year-old victim, whose parents and sister were also murdered in the attack. Green said deaths of two of his colleagues had 'messed him up real bad'

Abeer Qassim al-Janabi, Green's 14-year-old victim, whose parents and sister were also murdered in the attack. Green said deaths of two of his colleagues had 'messed him up real bad'

A 19-year-old high school dropout from Midland, Texas, Green joined the Army after obtaining his high school equivalency diploma from a correspondence school.

He said signing up was easy, born of a sense of duty to defend his country and the opportunities that offered.

'I thought I'd be neglecting my duty if I didn't,' Green said. 'You've got a career, you've got a job. It gives you opportunities to do things with your life.'

The military placed Green with the Fort Campbell-based 101st Airborne. Upon arriving in Iraq, Green said, his training to kill, the rampant violence and derogatory comments by other soldiers against Iraqis served to dehumanise that country's civilian population.

A turning point came on December 10, 2005, Green said, when a previously friendly Iraqi approached a traffic checkpoint and opened fire.

The shots killed Staff Sgt. Travis L. Nelson, 41, instantly. Sgt. Kenith Casica, 32, was hit in the throat. Casica died as soldiers raced him aboard a Humvee to a field hospital.

Green said those deaths 'messed me up real bad.'

The deaths intensified Green's feelings toward all Iraqis, whom soldiers often called by a derogatory term. 'There's not a word that would describe how much I hated these people,' Green said. 'I wasn't thinking these people were humans.'

Over the next four months, Green sought help from a military stress counsellor, obtaining small doses of a mood-regulating drug - and a directive to get some sleep before returning to his checkpoint south of Baghdad.

In the interview, Green described alcohol and drugs being prevalent at the checkpoint. Green said soldiers there frequently felt abandoned by the Army and were given little support after the deaths of Casica and Nelson.

Spc. James P. Barker of Fresno, California, testified that he pitched the idea of going to the al-Janabi family's home to Sgt. Paul E. Cortez of Barstow, California, who was in charge of the traffic checkpoint.

Green, who talked frequently of wanting to kill Iraqis, was brought along.

Cortez testified that Barker and Green had the idea of having sex with the girl and that he didn't know the family would be killed.

Green, then a private,saidhe had 'an altered state of mind' at the time. 'I wasn't thinking about more than 10 minutes into the future at any given time,' Green said. 'I didn't care.'

At the Iraqi home, Barker and Cortez pulled Abeer into one room, while Green held the mother, father and youngest daughter in another.

Pfc. Jesse V. Spielman, of Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, stood guard in the hall. As Barker and Cortez raped the teen, Green shot the three family members, killing them.

He then went into the next room and raped Abeer, before shooting her in the head. The soldiers lit her remains on fire before leaving. Another soldier stood watch a few miles away at the checkpoint.

Since his sentencing on September 4, 2009, Green has been attacked at the federal prison in Terre Haute, Indiana, and was then transferred to Arizona.

In prison, Green converted to Catholicism and has corresponded with a nun in Louisville about his faith.

Green described prison life as a 'lonely existence' and said other inmates consider those convicted of sex offenses among the lowest, making life 'hazardous' among the general prison population.

For Green, each day is just a matter of getting through 24 hours so he can do it all again the next day. Meanwhile, he lives with memories of the attack that took away the Iraqi family.

'If I thought that was an OK thing now, I wouldn't be much of a human being,' Green said.

Mail Online 20th December 2010

2010/12/20

女性法廷主席検事インタビュー【10年目】パトリシア・セラーズ







昭和天皇を強姦罪で有罪とした女性国際戦犯法廷から10年。当時主席検事の役割を果たしたパトリシア・セラーズ。北朝鮮系の媒体に出たインタビューの抜粋。



性奴隷制を設けたのが誰であり、彼らが人道に対する罪を負う者であると明らかにすることに重点を置き、当時の首相や軍関係者などを訴追した。

「従軍慰安所」は当時の日本の国策として設けられた。軍の様々な書簡、政府関係者や軍人が朝鮮や台湾から「慰安婦」を徴用し戦地に連れ出す手助けをしたという様々な事実、軍人たちが「慰安婦」を欲していた事実、当時の内務省が「慰安所」設置と関連した文書を保有していた事実などが、それを裏づけている。

この問題は日本の朝鮮植民地化に起因している。今なお清算されていない。被害者の証言をはじめ具体的な法的根拠と資料で立証した。

日本は法的責任を認め、謝罪と補償を行わなくてはならない。謝罪と補償を必ず一緒に行わなくてはならない。再発防止のため、教育などの面で具体的な措置を取るべき。

世界には様々な形態の性奴隷制が存在し、「従軍慰安婦」問題はその最も悲惨な事例だ。

To solve the “comfort women” issue, the enforcement of the rule of law has to be considered a solution to it. Only when you enforce the rule of law, you can punish those who committed the crime 
(「慰安婦問題」の解決のためには、法律のルールを適用ことが解決の手段として考慮されねばならない。法律のルールを適用することによってのみ、犯罪を行った者を処罰できる)

Q: Only north Korea is now officially raising this issue to Japan in the governmental negotiation for normalizing ties with it. What do you think of this?   A: I don’t know exactly anything about the negotiation. What I can say is that I appreciate any government raising this issue as part of negotiation. So, I can only say I am watching that from outside. 
(Q 現在北朝鮮のみが、国交正常化の交渉の中でこの問題を正式に政府レベルで日本に対し持ちかけている。これについて、どう思うか? A 交渉について私は何も知りませんが、いかな政府であろうと、交渉の一部としてこの問題を俎上に上げることは評価できる、とは言えます。私は外部からそれを見守っているとだけ申し上げたい)





パトリシア・セラーズ氏に聞く

慰安所設置は国策

法的責任追及に大きな意義

今法廷で首席検事を務めた法律家、パトリシア・セラーズ氏に話を聞いた。セラーズ氏は1954年米国生まれ。94年旧ユーゴスラビア国際戦犯法廷のジェンダー担当法律顧問を務めたことで知られている。 (権鍾聲、李相英記者)

―今回の女性国際法廷の持つ意義について。

「従軍慰安婦」問題を解決するうえで積極的かつ総合的な意義を持つと思う。私たちが問題を法的に取り扱ったことによって、人々はこの問題の深刻さをより正確に把握できただろう。

―首席検事が提出した共同起訴状のポイントは。

性奴隷制を設けたのが誰であり、彼らが人道に対する罪を負う者であると明らかにすることに重点を置き、当時の首相や軍関係者などを訴追した。

「従軍慰安所」は当時の日本の国策として設けられた。軍の様々な書簡、政府関係者や軍人が朝鮮や台湾から「慰安婦」を徴用し戦地に連れ出す手助けをしたという様々な事実、軍人たちが「慰安婦」を欲していた事実、当時の内務省が「慰安所」設置と関連した文書を保有していた事実などが、それを裏づけている。

―北南朝鮮の共同起訴について。

北南が見事に連携し、この問題が日本の朝鮮植民地化に起因しており、今なお清算されずにいるということを、被害者の証言をはじめ具体的な法的根拠と資料で立証した。当時、朝鮮はひとつだったのだから、北南が準備を重ね、共同起訴した意義は大きい。

―日本政府が取るべき行動は。

この問題に対する法的責任を認め、謝罪と補償を行わなくてはならない。被害者が求めているのは「人間的」な対応だ。日本政府は被害者に対し当然のこととして、謝罪と補償を必ず一緒に行わなくてはならない。また今後の再発防止のため、教育などの面で具体的な措置を取るべきだ。

―現在、朝・日間では国交正常化のための政府間交渉が行われており、その中で朝鮮は、「従軍慰安婦」問題を含む過去の清算を日本側に強く求めているが。

過去の犯罪行為に断固として問題提起する姿勢は歓迎する。

―今後、問題の解決に向けてどのような行動を取っていくべきなのか。

個人的な意見だが、まず性奴隷制とは何なのかを明確に知ることが重要だと思う。世界には様々な形態の性奴隷制が存在し、「従軍慰安婦」問題はその最も悲惨な事例だ。こうしたことをきちんと認識し、社会がこのような犯罪に寛容になってはいけない。

今回、朝鮮の共同検事団が、男女の分け隔てなく力を合わせていたことが印象的だった。このようなことが今後の運動につながっていくと思う。




Interview with Ms. Patricia Viseur-Sellers

Chief Prosecutor of Women's International Tribunal

Patricia Viseur-Sellers

Legal Adviser for Gender-Related Crimes in the Office of the Prosecutor for the International Criminal Court for the former Yugoslavia

Q: Could you tell me about the significance of this tribunal?

A: I think it has very positive and entire significance in solving the issue of “comfort women.” Especially, we examined it in the legal and military context. So, people can recognize the issue of injury more definitely.

Q: Could you tell me the focal points of the indictment you made?

A: The focal points of the common indictment are the following. We wanted to make sure who were the architects of the systems of sexual slavery, as crimes against humanity. Therefore, in the indictment, focal issues were on the commanders of a certain army, the war ministry, the then Prime Minister, and Emperor Hirohito. Also, what the common indictment tried to show was that the comfort stations were set up as a regular policy of the then Japanese government. So, we looked at several instances between 1937 and 1945 that proved that the then Japanese government clearly participated in this case.

Q: What is your feeling about and evaluation of each indictment and testimony that the victims made? Especially, about Korean victims?

A: All those were excellent. The joint indictment made by Korea was particularly excellent in terms of evidence, historical framework and as a presentation itself. It was very much organized. I think that extremely important was the fact that north and south Korea jointly presented one indictment to this tribunal. Historically, that was so important because there was only one Korea and Japan thought of Korea as one during World War II when this issue occurred. So, I think that the indictment was really reflective.

Q: The “comfort women” issue has long been discussed both in the UN and at a grass-roots level. But no concrete solution has yet been made. What do you think is the main reason for this?

A: The UN resolutions and reports on this issue are of all-important meaning as they are. But, to solve the “comfort women” issue, the enforcement of the rule of law has to be considered a solution to it. Only when you enforce the rule of law, you can punish those who committed the crime.

Q: Now, victims are demanding action by the Japanese government. What do you think is the best action the Japanese government has to take?

A: I think what the Japanese government must do is something at a human level, that is to say, a sincere apology and compensation suitable for the damage. Also, some measures for both the recovery of the victims’ honor and the non-recurrence of such a crime, including measures in an education field, are needed.

Q: Only north Korea is now officially raising this issue to Japan in the governmental negotiation for normalizing ties with it. What do you think of this?

A: I don’t know exactly anything about the negotiation. What I can say is that I appreciate any government raising this issue as part of negotiation. So, I can only say I am watching that from outside.

Q: What action do we need to take after this tribunal?

A: Slavery exists in various forms in our society. So, I personally think that people must see what is slavery at first. And then, society should not tolerate it in a “soft” way. During this tribunal and caucus, I had been deeply impressed by the inter-action between men and women united for the success of this conference. With regard to this, the Korean Joint Prosecutor Team’s unity was very excellent. This kind of unity will pave the way for the next movement, I think.

Campaign for 'Comfort Women' Apology Intensifies (オーストラリア)


Campaign for 'Comfort Women' Apology Intensifies 2009年8月13日 []

  • アムネスティ・オーストラリア
  • オーストラリア慰安婦の友(アナ・ソン)
  • ジャン・オハーン(日本軍性暴力被害者)

Campaign for 'Comfort Women' Apology Intensifies
By Stephen de Tarczynski

MELBOURNE, Aug 13, 2009 (IPS) - Activists here are stepping up their campaign to urge Australia's parliament to pressure the Japanese government to formally apologise to, and compensate, so-called 'comfort women', a euphemism for women across the Asia Pacific region who were forced into sexual slavery by Japan's military during the Second World War.

"What we're calling for is an official, formal, recognised apology," says Hannah Harborow, Amnesty International Australia's (AIA) coordinator for the organisation's Stop Violence Against Women campaign.

But with Aug.15 marking the 64th anniversary of the war's end, campaigners are concerned that surviving 'comfort women' will not live to hear such an apology or receive compensation and will therefore miss out on a chance to reconcile their traumatic pasts.

AIA says that of the estimated 80,000 to 200,000 women forced to become the sexual slaves of Japan's military from China, Korea, the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaya, the Dutch East Indies and other territories occupied by Japan - as well as from Japan itself - only a small number are still alive.

"There is a time pressure to this issue because the survivors themselves won't be with us for long," says Anna Song, co-founder and national director of the Friends of Comfort Women in Australia (FCWA) support and advocacy group.

She adds: "Every year survivors are passing away."

The FCWA is running a petition drive targeting members of parliament while AIA is conducting a campaign whereby virtual and paper butterflies - the butterfly is the symbol chosen by surviving 'comfort women' to signify hope - will be sent electronically and by snail mail to Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd.

The campaigns have been timed to coincide with the international day of solidarity for 'comfort women' on Aug.15.

And with thousands of signatures and butterflies expected to be delivered to Australia’s political representatives shortly, Song says that these grassroots sentiments should be backed by the nation’s federal representatives.

"It’s at a stage, I believe, to mobilise [the support] into political results," she told IPS.

Similar motions have been passed by the lower houses of the Dutch and Canadian parliaments, by the United States' House of Representatives and by the parliament of the European Union. In November last year, the United Nation's Human Rights Committee also urged Japan to apologise.

Japan, for its part, points to apologies such as those contained in the 1993 statement by then-chief cabinet secretary Yohei Kono - now widely referred to as the Kono statement - and the establishment in 1995 of the Asia Women's Fund to provide financial compensation to former 'comfort women' as ways in which it has taken steps to atone for the past.

But such moves have been heavily criticised internationally, with Japan's government being accused of attempting to avoid full responsibility for its military's treatment of women in the Second World War by blaming the forced recruitment of 'comfort women' on private recruiters acting on behalf of the military.

A 1998 report by the U.N. Human Rights Committee noted that although apologies had been made, "the Japanese government denies legal liability for the creation and maintenance of the system of 'comfort stations' and comfort women used during World War II."

Hannah Harborow from AIA says that apologies included in the Kono statement and elsewhere have not been acknowledged by the international community because they were not conducted in a formal capacity.

The Kono statement "wasn’t passed by the Diet," Harborow told IPS. "It was done by an individual and it also didn't state clearly the Japanese government's own role in the system. It side-stepped it."

In Australia, the issue of 'comfort women' has become well known, principally through the efforts of Jan Ruff O'Herne, who was forced into sexual servitude at a military brothel in the Dutch East Indies - now Indonesia - by the invading Japanese.

After being held for two years in a prison camp along with her family, O'Herne, who now lives in Adelaide, was made to line up with other young women aged seventeen and over. Inspected by Japanese military officers, she was among those selected and driven away in an open truck to a Dutch colonial house used as a military brothel.

Having remained silent for 50 years about the rapes and abuses she endured during her three months as a 'comfort woman', O’Herne spoke of her experiences for the first time - both to her family and publicly - in the early 1990s after watching former South Korean 'comfort women' on television calling for an apology and compensation from Japan.

While no other Australians or residents here have come forward to identify themselves as former 'comfort women' – unlike the countries of most 'comfort women', Japan did not occupy Australian territory during the war - O'Herne's daughter, Carol Ruff, told IPS that an apology and the offer of compensation from the Japanese government "would bring a sense of closure to my mother and give back the dignity that was lost."

But with O’Herne now approaching 87 years of age, her family is worried at the prospect that neither a formal apology or compensation will be offered in her lifetime.

However, even if Japan does not take the requested steps during the lifetimes of former 'comfort women' like O'Herne in order to rectify, according to campaigners, past abuses, Ruff - who insists that a motion passed in Australia’s parliament will have an impact on Japan - says the battle for justice will continue.

"This issue does not end with our mother. We, her family, will continue to fight for justice for the 'comfort women'. We have stood by her side and share the pain with her," she says. (END)


女性法廷から10年【主席検事】に沖縄の声は聞こえたか?


「史上例を見ない日本軍性奴隷性」(朝鮮新報)


朝鮮新報(朝鮮総連の機関紙)をソースにしていいものか迷うのだが、先ごろ開催された女性国際戦犯法廷10周年シンポジウムについて詳しくレポートしていたので取り上げてみた(このエントリーを書いたのは一週間前)。

気になるのは、かつて「戦犯法廷」で首席検事を務めたパトリシア・セラーズが、この10年で日本軍の慰安所に対する認識をどう変えたのか、変えたか否かである。

最近では韓国の慰安婦運動に批判的な著書がアメリカで発売されたりしているので、行きすぎたジャパン・バッシングに加担してしまったことに多少の後悔はあるのだろうか?

あくまで朝鮮新報によればだが、パトリシア・セラーズはこの日、

「この間、1人ひとりの被害者らは、繰り返し、日本政府を提訴して、賠償を求めてたたかってきた。・・・加害国日本、第2次大戦時の連合国各国及び被害国の市民社会には、日本政府が補償を実行するよう圧力をかける特別の責任がある』」

と講演したことになっている。


しかし、琉球新報には、このシンポジウムに集団自決問題でも有名な宮城晴美が登場して、沖縄の米兵の性犯罪の実態を報告したことも伝えられている。

宮城さんは「検挙されるのは一部で、検挙数の背後でどれだけ大勢の女性が泣き寝入りしているか分からない」と説明。事件が繰り返される背景に「沖縄が日本とアメリカの植民地状態であり、民族差別、女性差別が続いている」と指摘。「沖縄の女性が独自に性暴力を断ち切ることはもはや不可能。だから日米同盟の意義を問い、米軍基地の撤去を求めている」と訴えた。

「『法廷』は何を裁き、何が変わった」というテーマの中で、米軍の駐留する沖縄では問題はまだ「続いている」と訴えているのである。セラーズはこの言葉をどう聞いたのか?共同通信の配信と思われる日本のニュースでは、彼女は「弱い立場の女性が人身売買で性奴隷とされることは、現在も続いている」とコメントしたことになっているのだが、

それだけ??

「加害国(日本)」「連合国」「被害国」に色分けするのでなく、各国が自分の加害行為を清算し、再発防止に努めるべきではないのか?セラーズのアメリカはそれをしていない、と言われているのである。日本に圧力をかけよと訴えるセラーズは、その前に自国政府に「圧力をかけて」自国の軍隊の問題を解決してみせるべきだろう。(当日の予定表を見ると、最後までいなかった可能性もある)



対米プロパガンダ(朝鮮戦争)



女性国際戦犯法廷から10年、東京で国際シンポ
市民社会の責任 「加害国日本に圧力を」


2000年12月に東京で開かれた日本軍性奴隷制を裁く女性国際戦犯法廷から10周年を迎え、「法廷は、何を裁き、何が変わったか~性暴力・民族差別・植民地主義~」と銘打つ国際シンポジウム(共催=同シンポ実行委と東京外語大学海外事情研究所など)が、5日、東京・府中市の東京外語大学ホールで開かれた。
シンポには、「法廷」の首席検事を務めたパトリシア・ビザー・セラーズさん(元国連人権高等弁務官事務所・女性の人権とジェンダー・セクションの法律顧問)、「法廷」国際実行委共同代表だった尹貞玉さんとインダイ・サホールさん(国連人権高等弁務官事務所・太平洋地区ジェンダーアドバイザー)をはじめ南、中国、米国、フィリピン、インドネシア、台湾などから日本軍性奴隷被害女性たちとその支援者たち500余人が参加した。
シンポではまず、この10年の間に他界した被害女性たちに黙祷した後、主催者を代表して東海林得子・実行委委員長があいさつした。同氏は「10年前、法廷が戦時性暴力という不正義を裁き、日本史上初めて戦争当時最高責任者であった昭和天皇が裁かれ、国際史上例を見ない残虐で組織的な性暴力が行われたことが認定され、9人の日本軍責任者および日本政府の責任が問われた」とその歴史的意義を誇らしく振り返った。
シンポの第1部では、パトリシア・ビザー・セラーズさんが基調講演に立ち、「この間、1人ひとりの被害者らは、繰り返し、日本政府を提訴して、賠償を求めてたたかってきた。10年前の『法廷』の判決の脚注36は、『本判決の判決を確実に各方面に伝え、実行に移すのは、グローバルな市民社会の課題である。加害国日本、第2次大戦時の連合国各国及び被害国の市民社会には、日本政府が補償を実行するよう圧力をかける特別の責任がある』」と指摘した事実をあげて、同氏は「法廷」10周年を記念するこの場が、「市民社会による判決の実行のひとつの形だ」と強調した。
第2部ではアジアの日本軍性暴力被害者の証言が続いた。中国から来た韋紹蘭、羅善学さん親子は桂林で行われた残虐な住民虐殺と略奪、慰安所での野蛮極まりない拉致、監禁、強かんの実態について具体的な証言をした。韋紹蘭さんは、1944年11月、洞窟に隠れていて他に移ろうとしたとき日本軍に発見され、桂林に連行され、約3カ月部屋に監禁されて、連日兵士の相手をさせられたと涙ながらに証言をした。そして、ここで身籠り生まれたのが羅善学だった。その後、羅さんは村人たちから「日本鬼子の子」と蔑まれたことなど不幸な半生を慟哭しながら語った。羅さんは「私の人生は台無しだから何も望まない。ただ日本政府が母に対して行った仕打ちを謝罪し、賠償してほしい。みんなでたたかい続けよう」と呼びかけた。
また、フィリピン・ルソン島で被害にあったナルシサ・クラベリアさんも証言に立ち、1943年、14歳で慰安婦にさせられた体験と日本兵によって両親、弟妹が目前で虐殺された体験を詳述した。ナルシサさんは「8歳の妹は捕まえられ、空中に放り上げられて落ちたところを銃剣で刺し殺され、弟は水がめが置いてある家の台所に連れていかれ、そこで殺害された。父はのどから性器のところまで皮膚を剥がされて、まるで豚を殺すようにして殺された。母はレイプされ命を奪われ、その後家を焼かれた。ともに慰安所に連行された2人の姉のうち1人は、無惨な体験によって正気を失い、もう1人は行方不明、マニラで働いていた姉も日本軍によって性暴力を受けた」と悲惨きわまりない体験を語った。
第3部では「法廷の判決・勧告/証言をどう引き継ぐか」が行われた。また、同シンポには朝鮮・日本軍慰安婦・強制連行犠牲者問題対策委員会と朝鮮民主女性同盟中央委員会から連帯のメッセージが寄せられた。また、朝鮮検事団代理として丁煕子・女性同盟中央副委員長が出席した。
シンポでは「慰安婦問題解決のために、戦争と性暴力が繰り返されない21世紀を創るために、それぞれの生きる場でこれからも力を尽くす」ことを宣言し、閉会した。(文・朴日粉、写真・尹梨奈)


朝鮮新報 2010.12.7


【東京】従軍慰安婦問題など戦時中に起きた性暴力の責任を問い昭和天皇や当時の政府・旧日本軍責任者らを裁いた民間法廷「女性国際戦犯法廷」の開催から10周年を記念した国際シンポジウム「『法廷』は何を裁き、何が変わった」(女性国際戦犯法廷10周年実行委員会主催)が5日、東京都府中市の東京外国語大学で開かれた。元慰安婦らの被害体験を共有し、今後も政府に明確な謝罪と補償を訴え、二度と慰安婦制度が繰り返されないために行動することを確認した。
パネル討論では沖縄女性史家の宮城晴美さんが在沖米兵による性犯罪の実態を報告。宮城さんは「検挙されるのは一部で、検挙数の背後でどれだけ大勢の女性が泣き寝入りしているか分からない」と説明。事件が繰り返される背景に「沖縄が日本とアメリカの植民地状態であり、民族差別、女性差別が続いている」と指摘。「沖縄の女性が独自に性暴力を断ち切ることはもはや不可能。だから日米同盟の意義を問い、米軍基地の撤去を求めている」と訴えた。
元慰安婦のナルシサ・クラベリアさん(フィリピン)は、強制的に日本軍駐屯地に連れて行かれ、無理やり兵士の相手をさせられた体験を涙ながらに語り「日本政府が被害を認めないことに怒りを感じる。女性の尊厳を求める闘いを続けないといけない。たとえ一人になったとしても闘い続ける」と語った。


琉球新報2010.12.7

元慰安婦が謝罪や補償を要求  性暴力法廷10年集会
2000年に東京で開かれた「日本軍性奴隷制を裁く女性国際戦犯法廷」から10年を迎え、慰安婦問題を再考する国際シンポジウムが5日、東京都内で開かれた。
フィリピン人元慰安婦のナルシサ・クラベリアさん(80)は「日本兵に家族を殺され、駐屯地に連れて行かれて毎晩レイプされた。強制労働、空腹など、この世のすべての苦痛を経験した」と証言。日本政府に謝罪や補償を求めた。
韓国や台湾、インドネシアの出席者からも、元慰安婦が高齢化する中、早急な解決を求める声が相次いだ。
また、元慰安婦の中国人女性と日本兵の間に生まれた男性は「名誉は一生かけても回復できない」などと訴えた。
同法廷の首席検事を務めた米国の法律家パトリシア・セラーズさんは「弱い立場の女性が人身売買で性奴隷とされることは、現在も続いている」と指摘した。


岩手日報(共同?)2010.12.5

2010/12/19

ひめゆり学徒兵に思う






「強制連行」という言葉は、戦時徴用のことを指す。ただし、日本人に対して用いられることはなく、若干の例外を除けば朝鮮人に対してのみ用いられる。この理由を金英達は「恨みをこめて」そういう言い方をするのだと説明している

しかし、志願ではあっても、日本人であるという点を除けば、ひめゆり学徒隊こそ、あえてこの言葉を使うとすればだが、「多くは未成年の少女たち」が「強制連行」されたケースに近いと言えるのではないか。

戦時中、こういった悲劇はたくさんあったに違いない。


太平洋戦争末期の沖縄戦で傷病兵の看護などにあたった「ひめゆり学徒隊」の元隊員宮城喜久子さん(82)=写真=が18日、大阪市浪速区の大阪人権博物館リバティホールで約300人を前に悲惨な体験を語った。  宮城さんが動員されたのは、沖縄県立第一高等女学校4年生で16歳だった1945年3月。「安全な場所で看護にあたる」と聞かされていたが、実際は、近くで爆音が鳴り響く壕(ごう)の中の野戦病院だった。

手足がない兵隊や、傷口にウジがわいた患者もおり、当初は震えていた。しかし、衛生兵に「戦場では当たり前だ」とどなられるうちに、遺体を埋葬しても涙も出なくなるほど感情がまひしたといい、「戦争は人を人でないものにする」と語った。

逃げ惑ううちに荒崎海岸(同県糸満市)の岩場に追いつめられ、米軍の乱射を受けた。目の前で友人たちが倒れ、別の集団は手投げ弾で自決した。生き残った宮城さんは「大事な人をたくさん失って初めて戦争のおろかさに気付いた。とっても悔しい」と絞り出すように話した。

講演は、同博物館で26日まで開かれている企画展「ひめゆり 平和への祈り」の一環。2008年12月に荒崎海岸で見つかった学徒隊員の校章も展示されている。

読売新聞 2010.12.19


「安全なところで」という話は、熾烈な沖縄戦の中でどこかへ消し飛んでしまった。 しかし、それを「甘言を弄して」少女たちを連行したと無茶な解説をする学者はいないし、手投げ弾で自決したのは、天皇のために死ぬことによって模範的な皇民となろうとした沖縄の意識と家父長制ゆえの「強制」だったと言い張る「専門家」もいない。幸いなことに。


http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/e-japan/osaka/news/20101219-OYT8T00097.htm

嫁に売られた赤ん坊 (現代の中国)




満州からの引き揚げ者によると、敗戦の混乱で子どもを売る日本人、あるいは中国人から子供を売らないかと持ちかけられた日本人が少なくなかったらしい。その時は女の子の方が高く売れたということだが・・・。

生まれたばかりの女の子を、息子の嫁にするためになけなしの財産をはたいて買う農夫。先進国や現代の価値観では計れない世界がある(あった)のだということを忘れないようにしたい。

人身売買を目的にした誘拐事件も後を絶たない。写真はドキュメンタリー「中国の盗まれた子供たち China's Stolen Children」より。


「そのとき両親はきっと貧しくて私を捨てるしか生きる道がなかったの。私も貧乏に育ったからそれが分かる。もし会えたら両親を恨んだりしない。許します」

中国のインターネットで、不特定多数の参加者が画面上でチャット(おしゃべり)する「QQ」と呼ばれるサービスに、生みの親を探す女性たちが集まるコーナーがある。QQ名を「天上人間」と名乗った福建省の27歳の女性に、チャットを通じて聞いた話だ。

養父母は生まれたばかりの彼女を1983年に仲介業者から200元で買って育てたという。公務員の月給が約50元だった時代。農業を細々と営んでいた養父母は1人息子の将来の嫁にと、なけなしの現金を用意した。だが息子は子供のころ病死。結局、養女になった彼女は今、年老いた養父母の生活のために必死に働く毎日だ。

福建省の北部で、80年代から90年代にかけて1万人以上の乳幼児が仲介業者に売られたとされ、彼女はQQのコーナーで同じ境遇の女性らと情報交換して肉親捜しを続けているが、まだ有力な手がかりはなにも得られていない。

中国では農村などで今も「跡継ぎになる男の子は大事だが、女の子なら食い扶持がかかる」との考え方をもつ親が後を絶たない。

この悪癖に、人口増加抑制のため79年12月に義務化された「一人っ子政策」が拍車をかけた。

・・・地域によって必ずしも厳格には適用されなかったというが、それでも男の子がほしい親は仲介業者に女の子を売ったり、女の子に現金を積んで男の子と交換したりすることに、ますます罪悪感を感じなくなった。「上有政策、下有対策(お上に政策あれば、下々には対策がある)」というお国柄。一人っ子政策がこの国に生を受けた女の子の運命を過酷にした。・・・

産経新聞2010.12.19